Will Indonesia’s Prabowo ‘benefit’ from protests of proposed changes to election law?

Amid nationwide protests in Indonesia against outgoing President Joko Widodo’s perceived power grab, his successor Prabowo Subianto has managed to escape criticism by deftly positioning himself as a defender of democracy.

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Over the weekend, Prabowo indicated he was siding with the protesters in their effort to uphold Indonesia’s constitution while denouncing politicians prioritising their own interests. “We come to the people [in elections] to ask for the people’s mandate [..

.] that’s what we do as political parties,” Prabowo said at the National Mandate Party’s national congress in Jakarta on Sunday. “But some have an endless thirst for power.



And, with the powers [bestowed upon them], seek to pursue interests other than those of the people. This will disrupt and harm a nation.” Analysts say the comments were an effort by Prabowo to lock in public support when he takes on the presidency.

“The size of the protests last week was quite shocking for political elites, both on the streets and on social media,” said political analyst Yoes Kenawas from Jakarta’s Atma Jaya Catholic University. “Prabowo realised this. He did not reject the protesters’ demands because he does not want to start his presidency with strong resistance against him,” Yoes added.

Thousands of protesters gathered outside the parliament building in Jakarta on Thursday and Friday to demand an end to proposed legal changes that would allow Widodo’s youngest son, Kaesang Pangarep, to run for a provincial governor position. Protesters denounced the changes as part of a larger attempt by Widodo to entrench his family’s political influence, weeks before he is set to leave office in October. The protests followed several days of intense legal drama that began when the constitutional court announced its ruling in two areas of election law on Tuesday.

01:28 Indonesia protests rage as lawmakers shelve plan to change election law First, the court upheld the 30-year-old minimum age requirement for regional election candidates, a decision that would block Kaesang, 29, from running for deputy governor of Central Java in November. Second, the court lowered the party representation threshold for candidates to be nominated to regional elections. The ruling would enable Anies Baswedan, a former presidential candidate and critic of Widodo and Prabowo, to enter the influential Jakarta governorship race in November.

However on Wednesday, the Indonesian parliament – largely consisting of lawmakers supporting Widodo – proposed changes to the election law that would render the court’s ruling moot, prompting widespread protests and online backlash. By Thursday night, following the outbreak of mass protests, parliament withdrew the bill. The announcement was made by Deputy Speaker Sufmi Ahmad Dasco, who is well-known to be a close adviser of Prabowo.

Kaesang’s political party also said he will no longer run in November’s regional elections. The Gerindra party, which Prabowo chairs, had initially supported parliament’s revision, so the president-elect’s comments on Saturday represented a calculated shift in tone to evade public criticism, analysts said. Indonesian news outlet Tempo reported that during the protests on Thursday, Prabowo met Widodo and advised him to abide by the constitutional court’s decision, according to insiders.

The protests have tarnished Widodo’s legacy among segments of the Indonesian public, said political analyst Yohanes Sulaiman from the University of Jenderal Achmad Yani in West Java. This marks a surprising shift for a president who has maintained relatively high approval ratings, with 75.6 per cent approval in a June survey by pollster Litbang Kompas.

Following last week’s events, support for Widodo has effectively “collapsed”, Yohanes said, particularly among intellectuals, while his son Kaesang has faced humiliation. “With Jokowi’s position significantly weakened, Prabowo is the only one who has benefited from this entire fiasco,” Yohanese, referring to Widodo by his popular nickname. Analyst Yoes concurred, saying the crisis has significantly damaged Widodo’s reputation.

“This is one of the first times we have seen such direct and open criticism towards Jokowi and his family,” Yoes said, noting how protesters went so far as to build a mock guillotine. Public anger is intertwined with disappointment, since Widodo – a former furniture salesman and Indonesia’s first leader without a political or military background – initially inspired hope that the country was moving away from elite dominance following Suharto’s 32-year authoritarian rule, analysts say. However, his political manoeuvring over the past year, including the alleged misuse of state institutions to place his sons and other family members in positions of power, has led many to compare him to Suharto himself.

Last week’s political developments were a “major test” for the relationship between Widodo and Prabowo, Yoes says. Much of Prabowo’s win in February’s general election has been attributed to tacit support by Widodo. Prabowo’s ratings in opinion polls shot up late last year when Widodo’s eldest son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, joined his election ticket.

Gibran’s nomination was controversial, as the former mayor of Solo initially did not meet the minimum age requirement for the vice presidency, but last-minute changes by the Constitutional Court allowed him to qualify. Despite relying on Widodo for much of his electoral success, analysts predict that Prabowo will eventually seek to distance himself from the president and shed any political debt owed to him. “Prabowo will not want to play second fiddle to Jokowi,” Yohanes said, noting that as a populist, Prabowo will want to pursue his own campaign promises instead of operating under the expectation that he will continue Widodo’s legacy.

A significant challenge for Prabowo when he takes office will be managing his relationship with Gibran, Yoes says, with the Vice-President-elect likely to prioritise his family’s political interests and carry on his father’s legacy. The vice-presidency offers limited influence, but a strained relationship could impact Prabowo’s chances for re-election in 2029, Yoes says. “Prabowo needs to find a balance between keeping Gibran at bay but not excluding him completely, otherwise Gibran can weaponise that situation to attack Prabowo for the 2029 election.

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