The world must fight the new culture of intimidation

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The world is in the midst of one of the most serious political crises since the end of the Second World War. Read unlimited articles for free today: Already have an account? Opinion The world is in the midst of one of the most serious political crises since the end of the Second World War. The bond of trust that existed for 80 years between the United States and the other western countries has been broken.

In this new political era, a great deal of co-operation will be required to preserve the principles of international law and the protection of human rights and democratic values. The arrival of Donald Trump and his acolytes in power must now serve as a rallying call for the most enlightened minds to join forces to resist a new international system without rules, where the balance of power alone will dictate the course of history and where democratic principles are flouted. U.

S. President Donald Trump and Vice-President JD Vance meet with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, D.C.

, in February 2025. The discussion was heated as Trump bullied and insulted the Ukrainian leader. (The Associated Press file) As a specialist in Québec and Canadian politics, and more specifically in federal studies and party systems, I believe that we are facing an unprecedented situation.

How did we get here? How should we react? At a time when the balance of power is in turmoil, the relative silence of the American Democratic party is particularly striking, although New Jersey Sen. Cory Booker recently challenged this inertia with his record-breaking 25-hour speech. Former Democratic presidents Joe Biden and Bill Clinton are simply not participating in public debates, while Barack Obama only just weighed in.

Why are they so quiet? And what about the 23 Democratic governors who are also largely remaining silent? The Republicans seemingly have free rein to do as they please. In his 2024 book “The Road to Freedom,” Joseph Stiglitz, a former professor of economics at Columbia University (which recently had $400 million in federal aid cut by Trump) and Nobel Prize winner in economics, reminds us that in the United States, both Democrats and Republicans defend the doctrine of neoliberalism. The two major political parties are equally in favour of deregulation, privatization and international trade.

When the Democrats are in power, their fear of losing support of the majority of voters pushes them to make only minor changes, ones that preserve the privileges of the richest. This led the United Nations Human Rights Committee in the fall of 2023 to criticize harshly both the first Trump administration and the Biden administration for human rights violations. In short, greed dictates the rules of the political game.

The more conciliatory Democrats are with big business, the more credibility they lend to Republican whims. The result has been a slide from the reign of the oligarchs to that of super-oligarchs. The accumulation of wealth by an increasingly tiny number of people remains unchecked, to the detriment of the population as a whole.

The public statement made in February by 32 United Nations experts shows that such upheavals have not gone unnoticed. In an open letter, the signatories, who are from diverse backgrounds, note an unprecedented assault on international institutions, the rule of law, the principle of multilateralism and state sovereignty. The signatories also point out illegal actions aimed at undermining international law and respect for the territorial integrity of states.

The charter of the United Nations prohibits any threat or use of force against the political independence of states. The experts point to American threats to take over the Panama Canal, to expel Palestinians from Gaza and to take ownership of Greenland’s territory and resources “one way or another.” They make it clear that each of these threats is reprehensible and must cease immediately.

Otherwise, the very existence of the post-Second World War democratic system is under threat. The great efforts made in the wake of the Second World War must not be erased by the greed of people whose single goal is to enrich themselves at the expense of those who most require aid from the state. With the world order now under threat, responsible action must be taken to counter the forces that are emerging.

Like the UN experts, it’s important for the population to be aware of the risks that the Trump presidency poses to international stability. Several heads of state and government, as well as the UN Secretary-General António Guterres, quickly expressed their disappointment and incomprehension about the decision to terminate the American aid program USAID. These same states should now agree to pool their resources and fill this void.

This aid is essential to the well-being of the most vulnerable populations, and to public health as a whole. This same pooling of resources must also happen in information networks, the security of states and their populations, the protection of vulnerable groups and freedom of the press. The Securing our Future Summit, recently held in London, was a very important step in mobilizing the Atlantic alliance.

The countries of Europe now aim to adopt a common defence policy with the support of strategic partners, including Canada. Although still indispensable, the U.S.

is less and less involved in major negotiations over the defence of Europe. Canada has no choice but to gradually reconfigure its economy on an east-west basis and diversify both the sources of its imports and its export markets. Europe, Asia and the countries of South America are the most natural places to turn to, while the Americans are more unpredictable than ever.

The idea of the third option, put forward by Pierre Trudeau’s government half a century ago, could not be more relevant today. In 1972, Secretary of State for External Affairs Mitchell Sharp wanted to reduce the economic and cultural influence of the U.S.

over Canada. He rejected two options: first, maintaining the status quo, and second, adopting a policy of closer integration with the U.S.

Instead, he argued in favour of a third option that would make it possible to develop and strengthen the Canadian economy and other aspects related to culture and identity, while reducing the country’s vulnerability. The Trudeau government proposed focusing the Canadian economy on an east-west axis and turning to Asia, particularly China. Canada must now diversify its partners to guarantee its economic development and protect the country from arbitrary decisions made on the whims of a president who shows little interest in either diplomacy or relationships built on trust.

At a time when the world order is being undermined, we must rethink power relations. We must also denounce any attempts by states that see themselves as empires, to intimidate other states and devalue the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. » Alain-G.

Gagnon is a professor of Quebec and Canadian politics and a Canada Research Chair in Quebec and Canadian studies, University of Quebec in Montreal (UQAM). This column was originally published at The Conversation Canada: theconversation.com/ca.

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